Inter-Research And Studies (IRAS)

In parliamentary form of government, citizens do not vote directly for a chief executive. They vote for the legislative representatives or members of parliament who are organized into a few political parties. This in turn suggest that the parliamentary form of government by itself is not an index of democracy or authoritarianism characterizing any given state. But all parliamentary systems have in common a close institutional relationship between the executive and legislative branches of government. The chief executive is a prime minister selects other ministers of government which constitutes the cabinet or council of ministers. Each cabinet minister is responsible for administering a particular department or ministry i.e. defence, education, interior affairs, foreign affairs, justice, finance and so on. And the cabinet is voted into or out of executive office by a majority of the parliament.

We are expressing our grave surprise and shock over the statement by woman deputy minister saying this in the parliamentary session that the lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) community are not protected constitutionally. First of all, what does she mean not protected constitutionally? Does the Federal Constitution state exactly what gender are not protected constitutionally? What we saw in Article 8 (1) and (2), is that it only mention that there will be no discrimination against any gender, religion, race, birth place and descent. The interpretation made by a member of the Barisan Nasional (BN) government itself is inaccurate and wrong as the view given was seen as purely the deputy minister's own opinion. Should the BN government were to endorse the view of the deputy minister, what then will the BN government's policy on the LGBT community at large? How will the authorities or religious enforcement going to handle such situation should the BN government de...

In the contemporary world, it is also true that authoritarian governments or regimes are often identified by the presence of only one political party. Instead of classifying states according to the location and scope of political power, it in fact may be more useful to classify them according to the number and characteristics of their political parties. And there should be little doubt that a government that permits only one party to operate in the political system is an authoritarian government. No organized political opposition exists; there is no alternative set of political leaders that can take the place of the existing elites for the purpose of implementing new programs; political communications are strictly according to what the government and its ruling party allow; and alteration of government personnel and policies must take place within the single party, usually only after the death or purging of the dominant leader. Generalizations such as these are difficult to unders...

It will not come by a surprise to most of the history or political science students that most of the governments around the world and throughout the history deserve to be classified as "authoritarian". Monarchies (rule by one), aristocracies (rule by the titled few), oligarchies (rule by the untitled few, military, civilian) and plutocracies (rule by the wealthy) are all authoritarian regimes because the majority of citizens do not have any direct or institutionalized role in policy making; they do not participate in elections and they are not organized into competing political parties or clearly identified interest groups. As Greek and Roman political philosophers argued, however, government by the few does not mean that policy making will always be inconsistent with the interests and demands of the many in the society. In the past, for example, authoritarian governments have reduced or eliminated the influences of religious institutions over the social and economic lives...

Like monarch, aristocratic elites have survived only they have not resisted fundamental political and social change, especially the gradual democratization of political authority and the development of new sources of wealth along with economic growth and industrialization. For example, in England, the aristocracy proved receptive to capitalism, in part because the land was early given over the raising of sheep for the profitable wool trade and in part because only the firstborn male could inherit his father's property and aristocratic title. In England, there were consequently many sons and daughters of aristocracy who were without inherited title of wealth and they frequently made alliances in business and through marriages with an enterprising bourgeoisie or middle class. In the most of the continental countries of Europe, however, the land remained under the plow for production of cereal crops. This in turn induced the land aristocracy to insist on maintaining its tradition...

Tenzin Rabgyal is a man with a democratic plan. The 31-year-old MA student of public administration, and volunteer campaigner for Lobsang Sangey's Kalon Tripa campaign, aims to found a new political party - the People's Party of Tibet (PPT) - in an attempt to create a two-party system in the arena of the Central Tibetan Administration (CTA). Rabgyal hopes to help pave the way for a "smooth democracy" with transparent governance, an absence of nepotism and, most importantly, a raised awareness about democracy among all Tibetans. With its own candidates, the new party will stand in opposition to what is currently the only parliamentary political party in the Tibetan exile community - the almost two-decades-old National Democratic Party of Tibet (NDPT). The differences between the two parties are significant. The PPT proposes that its party committee names the members of the Kashag (Tibetan cabinet), as opposed to the current system whereby the Kalon Tripa (pr...

The Muslim Brotherhood has quietly spread its influence far beyond Egypt in its 84-year history, but Arab revolts have opened broad new political horizons the group hopes will reflect its founder's vision for the Arab and Islamic world. "There is no doubt that Hassan al-Banna believed in Islamic unity and not just Arab unity. But with such a vision we must consider reality and what is possible," said Mahmoud Ghozlan, a member of the Brotherhood's executive bureau. Interviewed at the group's new headquarters in Cairo, he called such unity a "long-term objective", but seemed alive to the possibilities thrown up by a ferment in which Islamists are driving mainstream politics across North Africa and beyond. "This region is in a period of deep-rooted change," the 64-year-old said. "Starting from Tunisia and ending with Syria, the nature of the region and alliances will change." The Brotherhood, banned and repressed under President Hosni Mu...